Kamis, 12 Maret 2009

THE RELATION BETWEEN RELIGION AND ECONOMY

A Study on Weber’s Thesis and Sufism Views


Abstrak

Seringkali dijumpai di masyarakat umum sebuah pandangan bahwa konsep agama dan aktifitas ekonomi tidak mempunyai relasi yang kentara. Agama yang diekspresikan oleh para pemeluknya di satu sisi cenderung menfokuskan diri pada kegiatan yang bersifat ritual suci dan ukhrawi sedangkan ekonomi memiliki corak profan yang kental. Namun, dalam sejarah dapat dicermati bahwa agama ternyata memiliki peran yang signifikan dalam membangunkan umatnya dari tidur panjang yang sebenarnya telah membelenggu dan menjebak mereka dalam kemunduran peradaban. Untuk itu, dalam tulisan ini dipaparkan pemikiran Weber tentang etika Protestan yang menyimpulkan adanya relasi positif antara agama dan perkembangan ekonomi. Begitu pula, pemikiran kaum sufi—yang konon lebih suka hidup zuhud—diwakili Witteveen yang mengambil pemikiran gurunya, Inayat Khan, perlu mendapat perhatian khusus. Kegiatan ekonomi yang dilakukan oleh para pengikut Tarekat Syaziliyyah dan Shiddiqiyyah merupakan contoh konkret peran nyata kaum sufi dalam memkombinasikan antara semangat keagamaan dan aktifitas keduniaan.

A. Religious Values and Economic Behaviors

Most people are of the opinion that there is an essential contradiction between religion and economics. Economic science focuses on material activities, such as, how to get the maximum satisfactory life on the earth through better facilities and services. In contrast, religion leads human attention to the opposite direction: God and life in the hereafter. In short, religion is concerned with humankind’s inner life whereas economics is related to the outer life.

The way a religion deals with a worldly agenda tends to vary. Witteveen[1] shows that there is a strong emphasis in Buddhism on the short-term character of the outer life, for instance, birth and death. The samsara (illusion)[2] is the real. Peace and salvation are only available in eternal and everlasting truth, which is realized in Buddha. Thus, the Buddha’s tenet is “extinguish in yourselves every desire that antagonizes Buddha, and in the end of your spiritual evolution you will become like Buddha”.[3] In contrast, in the Bhagavad Gita of Hinduism, there is a gospel, urging people to act in the world. However, the work should be carried out without attachment to the results of the work.[4]

Islamic doctrines tell Muslims that life in the hereafter is much preferable to that in the world. This belief leads them to leave the worldly life.[5] It is more valid if the observation is led to examine the life style of Sufis. Nevertheless, in the current development, some Muslims introduce Islamic economics in order to reconstruct economic ideas and practices by virtue of Islamic values.[6]

In addition, Christianity emphasizes that followers’ goal of work is to reach heaven. Some restrictions on economic programs were enforced in medieval Christianity, particularly the Catholic. Religion had to be superior to worldly activities, for instance, science, ethics and economics. Scientists, such as Galileo and Copernicus were the victims of this rigidly religious understanding. As a result, the development of market capitalism, as a part of worldly development, was challenged.

B. Max Weber’s Thesis

For more than half a century the question, whether the Protestant Reformation and especially its Calvinist branch have a significant influence upon the development of modern capitalism, has been a point of scholarly controversies since 1904-5 with the publication by the famous German sociologist, Max Weber.[7] He published two articles entitled “Die Protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus” (The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism) and “Die protestantische Sekten und der Geist des Kapitalismus” (The Protestant Sects and the Spirit of Capitalism), which appeared in 1906.[8] John Calvin (1509-1564), who introduced Calvinism, as described by Max Weber, showed a close relationship between religion and economics. He used Protestantism as his basis of arguments. Calvin believes that God is beyond people’s imagination that people can never reach him. The divine transcendence of God and humankind is separated by an unbridgeable valley, which excludes the possibility of contact with God. Therefore, they had to turn their attention to the outer life. Weber explained that the Christian ascetic left their monastery and got involved in economic activities. Calvin spread his “theology” and the doctrine of predestination. An individual has to believe that God has chosen him; otherwise he/she would be eternally in hell. The best indicator that they were chosen would be if one worked actively in a calling. Such a calling could be taken into account by the faith caused by God’s grace. Weber defines a calling as

“…a religious conception, that of a task set by God, is at least suggested. The more emphasis is put upon the world in a concrete case, the more evident is the connotation.”[9]

Hence, the concept of calling is something, which a person has to accept a divine ordinance, to which he/she must adapt. In further developments, orthodox Lutheranism emphasized that worldly duties were no longer subordinated to ascetic ones.[10] This faith would encourage people to attain some confidence and produce a powerful religious spirit to work hard and accumulate capital. Consequently, interests and benefits are no longer alien to traders. This spirit has influenced effectively in the Protestant milieu. Fukuyama[11] proves that in Latin America, the growth of Protestantism was correlated to significant rise in hygiene, savings, and education as well as per capita income.[12]

The discussion of Weber’s findings about a correlation of Protestantism (Calvinism) and capitalism is worth noting. Almost immediately following their first appearance, numerous articles attracted the interest of scholars in several different fields because, in its various aspects, the Weber’s hypothesis intersects a number of separate scholarly disciplines. Since Weber was himself as a sociologist, and in this instance he seemed to be attempting to apply a sociological method to a historical problem, both sociologists and historians became concerned. The role Weber assigned to Protestantism drew the attention of both Catholic and Protestant theologians. Some of these scholars attacked Weber’s position; some supported it; some seemed willing to accept a modified version of it. However, if one may judge by what they have written, the authors who commented upon Weber’s work, whether supporting or attacking it, or misinterpreted either Weber’s method or his conclusions, or both.[13]

There are some challenges to Weber’s theory. Sandra Pierotti classifies the criticisms into two major categories: first, Capitalism was a growing force before the reformation and that it would have flourished as well under Catholicism as under Protestantism. Second, the driving force behind capitalism was not ascetism but rationality. Robertson, a historian at the University of Cape Town, asserted that the Roman Catholic Church and the Protestant churches stressed the same principles in the 16th and 17th centuries.[14] He stated that Weber’s assertion that the concept of the “calling” was novel to supports his thesis.[15]

Amintore Fanfani, disagrees with Weber concerning the role that Protestantism played in the development of a capitalist spirit in Europe. He states

“Our investigations have led us to the conclusion …that Europe was acquainted with capitalism before the protestant revolt. For at least a century capitalism had been an ever-growing collective force. Not only isolated individuals, but whole social groups, inspired with the new spirit, struggled with a society that was not yet permeated with it.”[16]

In 1909, a German scholar, F. Rachfall, attacked the Weber’s thesis by arguing that capitalism was much older that Protestantism and that other factor were far more important that Protestantism in bringing about the development of modern capitalism. Three years later, Ernst Troelstch’s impressive work, Die sozialen Lehren der cristlichen Kirchen und Gruppen (The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches)[17] appeared. Troeltsch accepted Weber’s notion of the relationship of Protestantism to Capitalism.[18]

Sombart concludes that the evolution of modern capitalism had begun earlier than people commonly believe. In 1911, Sombart published Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben (translated into English as The Jews and Modern Capitalism) in which he argues that the social attitudes and economic practices associated with Judaism had been the primary sources of the spirit of capitalism. Sombart found himself the target of a critical barrage, one of the chief critics being Max Weber. But in 1913 Sombart proceeded to publish an entire book devoted to the study of the spirit of capitalism. This work, entitled Der Bourgeois, was translated into English in 1915 with the title, the Quintessence of Capitalism.[19] Although Sombart’s view of the problem and his method of treating it are very similar to Weber’s, their conclusions tend to disagree. [20]

“Religion and the rise of Capitalism” by H.R. Tawney was published in 1926 which represents the view of an economic historian. While Tawney accepts Weber’s view that there was a causal relationship between the Protestant reformation and the rise of capitalism, Tawney, nevertheless, insists that Weber’s emphasis on the unique role of Calvinism in generating the new spirit of Capitalism is inadequate to explain the broad overall relationship between Protestantism and Capitalism. Tawney tends to place more emphasis on the causative role of the whole Protestant movement as well as general political, social and economic conditions during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.[21] In short, Weber’s idea is still interesting to discuss and never disappears.

C. The Views of Sufism on Economy

Sufism--in Witteveen’s view is mysticism—may seem very unworldly to many people. He states that many Islamic Sufi orders in the past focused very strongly on the inner life, the search for God, often neglecting the world. However, Witteveen shows that Inayat Khan, a great Indian mystic and musician, brought a new universal Sufi inspiration to the world at the beginning of the last century. Inayat Khan, calling Sufism “religion of the heart,”[22] promotes the inner unity of all religious ideals and establishes an inspired worldview surrounding it. The Sufi movement makes no propaganda, meaning that the answer can only be given to those in whom the question arises (the owner of the question). In this book, Witteveen strives to describe how the Sufi Movement brings the two essential aspects of life together: spiritual growth and worldly achievement (action in mediation or meditation in action). He follows Inayat Khan’s notion that worldly attainment is a path to spiritual development.[23]

Witteveen hopes we can be active in the material world and still remain faithful to our religious or spiritual ideals and attend to the divine spirit. We can make real progress on the spiritual path without turning away from the world. Universal Sufism may show how this is possible in personal life and make individual work more beneficial. He also believes that Inayat Khan’s concept will influence the world. The more people begin to work in this spirit, the more the capitalist market economy gradually will be spiritualized. As a result, numerous unhealthy and unfair features of market capitalist will be overcome. The idea of universal Sufism is of great importance for developing countries, which are often caught between their religious values and negative effects of market capitalism.[24]

The Sufi ideal is to combine the inner and the outer life: to be active in the world, for instance politicians and economics, and at the same time to be inspired by attuning to the divine ideal. The important thing is balance between these two aspects of life because the inner light can motivate worldly activities.[25]

In his book, Witteveen raises some questions dealing with Sufism in action: (1) how does the new universal Sufi inspiration fit into the present world, in our thinking and culture; (2) how can it influence our active life? (3) what contribution could it make by stimulating a more balanced and harmonious development of the globalized world economy?

Witteveen traces the development of western worldview over the past centuries and notes many great progresses in many areas, but this has left serious problems and fundamental confusion (not organized outlook on the world). The western market economy has produced rapid growth in welfare for modernized countries but also imbalances and dangerous effects on nature and the environment. It triggered a great gap in welfare between the industrial world and the masses of poor people in developing countries. Consumerism potentially undermines moral and social values, which provide meaning for a well-functioning society.

Therefore, a new religious inspiration, which has a mystical spirit, is needed, as a path for personal contact to God. It should offer a comprehensive thought that is in line with science as well as it is universal that accommodates various religions by describing their inner mystical core. This inspiration also has to overcome the antinomy between religion and economics, leading to a new spirituality in action.[26] However, Witteveen’s statement that imbalances and dangerous effects on nature and the environment result from the western market economy should be reconsidered. There are many factors leading to the negative effects of modernization, such as human greediness and cultural clashes which may trigger several wars.

In another part of his book, Witteveen explains how universal Sufism can begin to influence the economy, showing that action and meditation can go together in one’s life. How one can be spiritually inspired while working in the world. This will have a soft transformation on the market economy that can be described as the spiritualization of the market economy. Universal Sufism illustrates how religious and spiritual inspiration may motivate people to work, particularly in economy. That motivation, which brings integrity and harmony into the economy, could replace religious restrictions that create handicaps to economic development, leading to poverty and unemployment. The ultimate purpose of the journey is concluded in Inayat Khan’s words: “Make God a reality and God will make you the truth.”[27]

Unfortunately, Witteveen does not show the real example how a Sufi order gets involved in worldly life. No evidence occurs in any part of his writing. Thus, it is essential to observe some active Sufi orders, for instance, the Tarekat Shādhiliyya in Kudus and the Tarekat S}iddīqiyya in Jombang.

Different from common impression in Sufi life, the Shādhiliyya’s followers have high-working motivation. They have a business network among adherents. However, Mulkhan and Mu’tashim assert that they economic activities have not expanded due to the influence of some tarekat values, which stress the essential function of wealth, work, and social interaction for the hereafter life.[28] The pattern is also applied in the way they seek knowledge and education. Unfortunately, they hold the education internally, which leads most of them have not attained high education.

The followers of the Tarekat Shādhiliyya are not different from common people in terms of appearance and kinds of jobs. They work mostly in the garment industry. The number of the followers with whom Mulkhan and Mu’tashim interviewed in Damaran, Kudus, Central Java, is nineteen people: ten of them working in the garment industry, one in cleaning tools production, one in jenang (a kind of snack) production and one in warung (canteen). Six of them are the workers and laborers in the garment industry.

In terms of the function of the house, the Shādhiliyya followers in Damaran use their houses as center of production. The house is not merely the place to relax or dwelling but also the workplace and production. Therefore, the house of the Shādhiliyya are full of merchandise, also, a place for transaction as well as the place for employee’s work.

For the houses that are not used for production, the house is used for a warung, so that the function of a house is as a commercial center. In the house, they are involved in many things. For them who work in the garment industry, they determine the model of production and designs. Some of them are sewing and finishing. The Shādhiliyya followers play a role as majikan (owners), leaders and workers. The relationship between the majikan (owners) and the workers is not rigid. The owners give the workers the chance to apply their creativity in production as long as they can finish their work on time.

Besides houses, the other important places are markets and Chinese shops. Markets for them are the places for selling products while Chinese shops are the places for getting the raw materials. Their production depends on their activities in both places. If they cannot get the required materials as the buyer demands, the production will decrease or even stop until the materials are available. In contrast, if the raw materials are available, they can fulfill market demand and develop their production in terms of quality and availability and distribution.

By and large, the garment owner continues their parents’ business. Therefore, they are not interested in being civil servants because their parents are traders. However, because they are businesspeople, their experience uncertainty in life which leads to their dependence on the murshid’s baraka (prayers). It is like cocok-cocokan (in Geertz’s word: fittingness).[29] If they are cocok, they can be successful. In contrast, if they are not cocok, even though they work hard, they can go bankrupt.

In an uncertain life, they are urged to find spiritual power through murshid’s grace. Thus, the tarekat is the preferred path to solve the doubtful life. They believe that baraka of the tarekat can help them succeed in their business. They say that their life is in God’s hand. Their beliefs encourage them to consult with the murshid when they have a problem. Then, the murshid shows them the solution. They receive doa (prayer) or amalan (recitation) as the way to solve the problem by expecting Allah’s help. By visiting the murshid, they get the spiritual power, which strengthens self-confidence. For instance a trader of the tarekat who wants to go to Jakarta, they drop in murshid’s home first. In their concept, it is not acceptable to be an arrogant trader since a trader does not know whether their goods will be sold well. Because of the murshid’s prayers and Allah’s grace their merchandise are well sold. Hence, the murshid is their patron whereas they are the clients. They feel anxious when they do not receive restu (grace, prayer) from the murshid.[30]

Next, the Tarekat S}iddīqiyya in Jombang organizes some economic activities, such as the manufacture of fresh water by the Maaqo Corporation. The quality of the Maaqo water can be observed from machines that filter it: RO (Reverse Osmosis) machine.[31] According to Fuad, director of the Maaqo Corporation, this machine is conducive for filtering high quality water since it has no heavy metal (Total Dissolved Solid (TDS) = 0).[32] Up to now, this manufacturer produces about 500-1000 boxes of water each day. Its omzet in 2004 was approximately 1.1 billion rupiahs.

In the case of the S}iddīqiyya, there are some religious reasons (excluding tarekat teachings)[33] based on Islamic values behind the economic activities of the tarekat. First reason why this tarekat gets involved in social welfare programs is the teaching of murshid about the interpretation of Qur’anic verses. For instance, the murshid suggests all murīd to comprehend surā Jumu`a/62: 10,[34] which orders Muslims to spread out and get involved in social life after prayers. Also, from surā al-Mā`ūn/107: 1-7,[35] the murshid interprets that the religious liars and praying forgetters are people who do not help the poor and the orphans. Thus, the murshid ordains all murīds to be active in any angle of social life, particularly economic activities. However, these verses are also accessed by other Muslims. Some preachers often quote the verses in their speeches but rarely implement the concepts, on the contrary, the murshid of the S}iddīqiyya deliberately instructs the followers to take the spirits and apply them into action. It can be shown in their programs, for instance, establishing several social foundations including the Yayasan Z{ilāl al-Mustad}‘afīn (translated as the Poor’s Umbrellas Foundation) and The Yayasan Berkat Rahmat 17 Agustus (translated as the Blessing of 17 August Foundation). The S}iddīqiyya, then, is similar to Muh}ammadiyya or Nahd}a al-‘Ulamā’ which have several foundations in several fields rather than other tarekats, such as Tarekat Qādiriyya wa Naqshabandiyya, in Indonesia.

Another economic motivator for the S}iddīqiyya followers is their philosophy reflected in their motto “wud}ū’, s}alāt, and masyarakat (ablution, prayer, and society)”. Ablution is a way to clean the human body, both within and without (lahir batin) while prayer is a way to establish harmonious relations between human beings and God. Finally, society is a place for life on earth, so it should be well provided for as a reflection of their prayers.[36] The other slogan is santri, which is taken from two words: insan (person) and tri (three), meaning a person who has three promises: to make a harmonious relationship with God, humankind and universe. It is shown that the S}iddīqiyya is creative to introduce a concept by extracting Islamic values into simple phrases. The followers can fast remember the ideas and implement them in their daily life.

The other interesting interpretation introduced by the S}iddīqiyya which may motivate the followers to be active in economy is the meaning of prayer (s}alāt). Prayer in their conception has two meanings. First, prayer is considered as a means to prohibit people from doing bad and dangerous things (known as al-fakhshā’ wa al-munkar). Second, prayer is regarded as a blessing for all humankind and the universe (known as rahma li al-`ālamīn). The latter suggests that members of this tarekat have to be active in promoting the social welfare and harmony. Their prayers, then, are meaningless if they do not have social sensitivity. In other words, if they want to solve the problems of society, including economic inequity, prayer in the second definition is a promising solution. Thus, prayer is a powerful motivator driving tarekat members to get seriously involved in earthly activities.

To understand the pattern of economic activities of the S}iddīqiyya, Max Weber hypothesis is chosen. Weber describes a close relationship between religion and economics using Protestantism as his basis of arguments. Calvin, one of Protestant figures whom Weber observes, believes that God is beyond people’s imagination that people can never reach him. Therefore, they had to turn their attention to the outer life. If an individual would not be eternally in hell, he/she has to believe that God has chosen him/her. The best indicator that they were chosen would be if one worked actively motivated by a calling, which is a religious conception set by God, or at least suggested. This faith would encourage people to attain some confidence and produce a powerful religious spirit to work hard and accumulate capital. Consequently, interests and benefits are no longer alien to Protestant traders.

There is a similarity between the Protestants whom Weber observed and the S}iddīqiyya followers. Weber concludes that the Protestants worked hard because they were motivated by Calvin’s idea of calling which might be considered as religious motivation. Likewise, the S}iddīqiyya followers are motivated to be involved in economic activities because they have to be beneficial Muslims to surroundings as reflected in their slogans above. Nevertheless, there are two differences between the Protestants and the S}iddīqiyya followers. First, the motivation of the Protestants to work hard and accumulate capital was because they wanted to show that they were chosen and had the right to live in heaven. Nevertheless, the S}iddīqiyya followers are involved in economic activities due to their intention to be beneficial creatures, as one requirement to get closer to God. They will never successful in their spiritual travel to God unless they have a social sense. They do not care whether they will enter heavens or hells since God’s love is their goal. Second, the Protestants tended to leave religious life and focused more on world affair by opposing the Catholics. However, the S}iddīqiyya still keep its character as a part of Islamic community and perform various obligatory rituals, such as prayers and fasting.

From the description above, it may be inferred that although there are many factors contributing to economic activities, religious values play a significant role in shaping the worldly views of adherents. The Protestants observed by Weber and the Muslims, particularly the Sufis, which are commonly associated with ‘people of the hereafter,’ are the examples showing that there is a harmonious relationship between religion and economic activities.

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The Relation Between Religion and Economy: Study on Weber’s Thesis and Sufism Views



[1] He was born in a Sufi family, and was initiated to a Sufi order, the inner school of the Sufi movement when he was eighteen. He followed a worldly career as a professor of economics, then as minister of finance in the Netherlands, in international cooperation as managing director of the International Monetary Fund. And finally, he has been an advisor or director of a number of Dutch international companies. See Witteveen, Sufism in Action, (London: Vega, 2003), p. 7.

[2] Samsara is a Sanskrit word meaning ‘to wander’ or ‘pass through a series of states or conditions.’ It is the name for the theory of rebirth in three major indigenous Indian religion: Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. Samsara is the beginningless cycle of birth, death and rebirth. See Mircea Eliade (at.al.), The Encyclopedia of Religion, (New York: Simon & Schuster McMillan, 1993), vol 3, p. 56.

[3] To reach that level, we have to apply eight paths: right of comprehension, right of resolutions, right speech, right acts, right way of earning a livelihood, right efforts, right thoughts, and the right state of peaceful mind. In connection with these, self-interest and attachment to earthly pleasures have to be solved.

[4] It means that we have to act with self-control and reject the fruits of the work. The purpose of doing the duty is self-satisfaction, regardless of economic consideration, since the duty is connected to their being as member of caste system. The caste-system, some people say, is an impediment to economic development. See Joel Beversluis, Sourcebook of World’s Religions, (California: New World Library, 2000), p. 11-17 for Buddhism and p. 50-59 for Hinduism.

[5] The verse of al-Qas}as} (28): 77, “But seek, thanks to what Allah gave you, the Hereafter, and do not forget your proposition on the herebelow. Be charitable, as Allah has been charitable to you, and do not seek corruption in the land; for Allah does not like the seekers of corruption.” See Majid Fakhry, An Interpretation of the Qur’an, English Translation of the Meanings, a Bilingual Edition, (New York: New York University Press, 2004), p. 396.

[6] Timur Kuran, for example, argues that Islamic economics aims at preventing Muslims from taking over the western economic system. See Witteveen, op. cit., p. 49. He refers to Timur Kuran’s work entitled “the Discontent of Islamic Economy morality”, in American Review, May 1996. Witteveen disagrees with Kuran arguing that avoidance of western economic system will slow down economic growth or will arrange hypocrisy, such as interest on deposits is masked as ‘commission’.

[7]Weber studied law as a young man and became a jurist. His career was altered, however, by the appearance of an article he wrote on German agricultural labor, which led to his appointment to the Faculty of Political Economy at the University of Freiberg. He began teaching at the University of Heidelberg in 1897 and later joined the Faculty of the University of Munich.

[8] In these articles Weber admitted his debt to the great economic historian, Werner Sombart, who, in his well-known study, Der Moderne Kapitalismus, published in 1902, has stressed the importance of what he called “the spirit of capitalism” (der Geist des Kapitalismus) as a guiding force in the evolution of modern capitalism. Accepting Sombart’s hypothesis that there was such a thing as a “spirit of capitalism” and that its role had been crucial to the development of the modern capitalistic economy, Weber that went on to speculate as to the origin or source of this special “spirit.” In his essay, Weber proposed the tentative thesis that this crucial element had appeared as a kind of by-product of religious ethic of Calvinism. See Robert Green, Protestantism and Capitalism, the Weber Thesis and Its Critics, (Boston: D.C. Heath and Company, 1959), p. vii.

[9]Weber, The Protestant Ethic and The Spirit of Capitalism, (London and New York: Roudledge, 2001), p. 39.

[10] Ibid., p. 45.

[11] Quoted by Witteveen from Trust: The social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity, London, 1995.

[12] In the case of Islam, Peacock promotes the concept of Islamic “Protestant” ethic. He shows after doing research in Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia, that the reformists’ psychology is rationalized. They interpret Islamic doctrine in actual actions, such as in the field of education and economy. In contrast, the syncretists’ psychology is not rationalized. They still conduct slametan (a kind of feast) and petungan (a mode of coordinating ritual or other events with the cosmos). See James L. Peacock, Muslim Puritans, Reformist Psychology in Southeast Asian Islam, (California: University of California Press, 1978), p. 195-196.

[13] Robert Green, op. cit., p. vii.

[14] See Robertson H.M. Robertson, A Criticism of Max Weber and His School, (London: Cambridge University, 1933), p. 10-45.

[15] Sandra Pirotti, The Protestant Ethic and The Spirit of Capitalism, Criticisms of Weber’s Thesis, Unpublished Paper, p. 3.

[16]Amintore Fanfani, Catholicism, Protestantism and Capitalism, (New York: Sheed and Ward Inc., 1955) p. 183.

[17] Published in an English translation, by Olive Wyon in 1931.

[18] See Ernst Troeltsch, The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches, (New York: Macmillan Company, 1950), p. 641-650.

[19] See Werner Sombart, The Quintessence of Capitalism, translated by M. Epstein (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., 1915), p. 236-262. By the time the Quintessence of Capitalism had joined the lengthening shelf of studies on the relationship of Protestantism to Capitalism, the problem had become a sort of scholarly conflict. Anyone who criticized the Weber’s thesis, for example, could be fairly confident that himself would be criticized in turn; but the critic-or the critic of the critic-might be either pro-Weber of anti-Weber, historian or economist, sociologist or theologian, Catholic or Protestant, Jew or agnostic, Christian sociologist or Marxist. Furthermore, the valuations placed upon the Weber’s thesis by many of the authors seemed to reflect with unfortunate frequency the economic orientation or the religious affiliation (or lack of it) of the writer involved. If the critic was an admirer of capitalism, he might maintain his particular religious faith had stimulated its development. If, on the other hand, the critic was hostile to capitalism, he perhaps would disavow any possibility that his religion had provided an impetus to capitalistic evolution. The Weber’s thesis, as a result, has become, in some instances, the victim of partisan contention.

[20] Robert Green, op. cit., p. viii.

[21] Not everyone, by any means, has been satisfied with Tawney’s approach to the problem. Winthrop S. Hudson, in an article entitled “Puritanism and the Spirit of Capitalism” which appeared in the journal, Church History, criticized Weber’s concept of Calvinism as oversimplified and considers Tawney’s characterization of Puritanism to be a distortion. Hudson was particularly concerned about the manner in which Tawney made used the writings of seventeenth century Puritan preachers to support his argument. See R.H. Tawney, Religion and The Rise of Capitalism, (Harcourt, Brace and Company, Inc., 1926), p. 79-100 and Winthrop S. Hudson, “Puritanism and the Spirit of Capitalism,” Church History, vol XVIII (March, 1949) p. 3-16.

[22] It seems like Pietist, a new reform movement of Lutheranism orthodoxy.

[23] Witteveen, op. cit., p. 7. In modern world, many people seek spiritual tranquility through Sufism modified in some ways. In Jakarta, Paramadina under Nurcholish Madjid’s leadership is one of the popular organizations developing spirituality among urban people. Also, Amin Syukur with his institution, is concerned on this matter. See Najib Burhani’s book describing the phenomenon of Sufi Kota (Urban Sufism), (Jakarta: Serambi Ilmu Semesta, 2001).

[24] Witteveen, op. cit., p. 9.

[25] Witteveen has several experiences; his Sufi practices helped him to maintain his inner balance during periods of great activity and heavy responsibility. They also made the work easier to finish. He could concentrate on the work and keep a particular distance to avoid excitement and intoxication. Money in his view may become intoxication. People may become captured by greed and always wanting more without really needing it. Hence, money can enslave an individual, and block spiritual progress as shown by capitalist market system. Ibid., p. 11-12.

[26] Ibid., p. 12-13.

[27] Ibid., p. 13.

[28] Radjasa Mu’tashim and Abdul Munir Mulkhan, Bisnis Kaum Sufi, Studi Tarekat dalam Masyarakat Industri, (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar,1998), p. 177-178. In Malaysia, it can be seen that Dār al-Arqām—dispersed, however, in 1994 due to its ‘misleading’ tenets—successfully combined Sufi-Revalism and economic Activism. See Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid, “New Trend of Islamic Resurgence in Contemporary Malaysia: Sufi-Revivalism, Messianism, and Economic Activism,” Studia Islamika, vol. 6, No. 3, 1999.

[29] Clifford Geertz, The religion of Java, (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1976), p. 91

[30] Mu’tashim and Mulkhan, op. cit., p. 208-210. The Sanūsiyya as represented by King Idrīs al-Sanūsī was still politically dominant in Libya. Idrīs had been accepted as King of Libya after Libya’s Independence in 1951. Support for Idrīs had for the most part come from those sections of society where the old feelings of tribal and religious solidarity were still unquestioned. The Cyrenaicans and Tripolitanians still looked upon Idrīs as the scion of a pious dynasty and as a hero who had participated in Libya’s fight for freedom from Italian domination with his Sanūsi army of Libyan exiles. Nevertheless, during his reign, Idrīs had contributed to the dissociation of religious and political authority in the Sanūsiyya. In 1916 he had assumed political control of Cyrenaica, while his cousin Ah}mad al-Sharīf remained religious head of the Sanūsiyya Sufi order. After Libya’s confirmation as a kingdom under the Sanūsiyya, Idrīs’s reign began to tend towards a moderate secularism. In the new laws of independent Libya no special position was accorded to the Sanūsiyya as a religious organization. Attempts were also made to abolish the shari’a court. Nicola A. Ziadeh, Sanūsiyyah, A Study of a Revivalist Movement in Islam, (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1983), p. 134. Also see Awalia Rahma, Sufi Order and Resistance Movement: The Sanūsiyya of Libya,1911-1932, (Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University, Montreal, Canada, 1999), p. 48. She states that this tarekat has an important role in economy, which was interconnected with the commercial pursuits including trading, providing security for storage and exchange, opening warehouses to goods in transit or awaiting sale, and maintaining the caravan route. R.J.I. Ter Laan, “Sanūsī Revivalism as Part of the Fundamentalism tradition in Islam”, in Ziadeh , op. cit., p. 143-144. Kartodirdjo says that the tarekat was an excellent means of organizing the religious movement and of performing the indoctrination of revalistic ideals. There were three tarekats were of signicance in 19th century Java: Qādiriyya, Naqshabandiyya and Sat}āriyya. Sartono Kartodirdjo, The Peasants’ Revolt of Banten in 1888, Its Conditions, Course and Sequel, a Case Study of Social Movements in Indonesia, (Sgravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1966), p. 157.

[31] This machine is commonly used by the Navy. One type of bottled water using this machine is Cleo.

[32] It is different from other popular products, for instance, TDS of Aqua is around 150 while that of Total about 140. Many stories are told to support the features of the Maaqo, for instance, the story from a doctor in Tulung Agung, East java, that he tells a patient, who does not have any money to buy medicine, to consume the Maaqo regularly. As a result, sickness of patient gradually decrease and he becomes healthy. Many people than believe that the Maaqo has magical power to cure any illness since the murshid has inner power by reciting prayers to that water.

[33] It is difficult to distinguish between religious values and the S}iddīqiyya teachings. Some people from the S}iddīqiyya see that both religious values and the S}iddīqiyya teachings are the same. They argue that the S}iddīqiyya teachings are rooted to Islamic values. However, in this thesis, the meaning of religious values are the norms and beliefs which are commonly known by Muslims because these values are taken from the Qur’ān and hadīth. Without being a Sufi, Muslims know that Islam keep balance between life in the world and life in the hereafter. The economic values can be studied from Islam. In contrast, The S}iddīqiyya teachings are concerned with bay‘a and khalwat, which are explained in Chapter Three, and only the murīds who may access and practice these teachings.

[34] ) فَإِذَا قُضِيَتِ الصَّلَاةُ فَانْتَصِرُوْا فِى اْلأَرْضِ وَابْتَغُوْا مِنْ فَضْلِ اللهِ وَاذْكُرُوااللهَ كَثِيْرًا لَعَلَّكُمْ تُفْلِحُوْنَ“Then, when prayer is over, spread out throughout the land and seek some of Allah’s Bounty, and remember Allah often, that perchance you might prosper,”) Majid, op. cit., p. 568.

[35]أَرَأَيْتَ الَّذِي يُكَذِّبُ بِالدِّينِ فَذَلِكَ الَّذِي يَدُعُّ الْيَتِيمَ وَلَا يَحُضُّ عَلَى طَعَامِ الْمِسْكِينِ فَوَيْلٌ لِلْمُصَلِّينَ الَّذِينَ هُمْ عَنْ صَلَاتِهِمْ سَاهُونَ الَّذِينَ هُمْ يُرَاءُونَ وَيَمْنَعُونَ الْمَاعُونَ (“Have you seen him who denies the judgment? (1) It is the one who pushes the orphan around (2) And does not urge the feeding of the destitute (3) Woe unto those who pray (4) Those who are oblivious of their prayer (5) Those who dissimulate (6) And forbid benefaction (7).”), Ibid., p. 634.

[36] Personal interview with Muchammad Munif, a khalifa, on 5 December 2003.

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